ISLAM NUSANTARA: ANALISIS SEDERHANA LOGIKA BAHASA

Beberapa pekan ini, media massa di Tanah Air dihebohkan dengan isu kontroversial seputar penamaan Islam Nusantara (IN), yang menarik perhatian para kaum intelektual dan cendekiawan beberapa institusi pendidikan ternama, khususnya pendidikan agama, di Indonesia. Kononnya, satu pihak tertentu mendukung penuh gerakan IN tersebut, sedangkan pihak lainnya menolaknya. Tentu setiap pihak berusaha memberikan argumen yang menyakinkan (convincing) para pembaca akan pendapatnya. Bahkan terkadang, untuk mengokohkan pendapat masing-masing, mereka menggunakan istilah yang bombastis, agar audiens menjadi terperangah dan menjadi jinak walhasil mengiyakan opini yang sedang dibangun tersebut. Terlepas dari pro dan kontra mengenainya, tulisan singkat ini sedapat mungkin menghindari perdebatan yang sedang berlangsung dengan sekedar membedah istilah Islam Nusantara tersebut dengan pisau aturan bahasa.

 

Kata Majemuk Dalam Tata Bahasa Asing dan Indonesia.

Dalam tata bahasa Arab, dua kalimat yang yang bergandengan secara paralel bisa dikategorikan menjadi dua: Yang Pertama Muḍāf Muḍaf Ilayh (MMI), yaitu ketika kata benda konkrit ataupun abstrak bergandengan dengan kata benda lain, yang mana gabungan tersebut mengisyaratkan satu makna dari tiga ‘tempat, asal atau bagian, dan kepemilikan). Yang Kedua Na‘t wa Man‘ūt (NM), yaitu ketika kata benda konkrit ataupun abstrak mertemu dengan kata sifat. Contoh kasus dari MMI: jāmi‘ah al-Azhar (yang berarti, lembaga pendidikan di Masjid al-Azhar); niṣf al-sā‘ah (yang berarti, setengah dari satu jam atau 30 menit); dan ṣifāt Allāh (yang berarti, sifat sifat Allah atau sifat-sifat milik Allah). Adapun contoh kasus dari NM: al-masjid al-kabīr (yang berarti, masjid besar atau masjid yang besar); al-qirṭās al-abyaḍ (yang berarti, kertas putih atau kertas yang putih); dan lain sebagainya.

Kedua kategori di atas (MMI dan NM) juga terdapat dalam tata bahasa Inggris. Contoh MMI versi Inggris: University of London (yang berarti, Universitas London atau sebuah universitas di kota London); people of Chinese (yang berarti, orang Cina atau orang yang berasal dari negeri Cina); dan friend of mine (yang berarti, teman saya atau teman milik saya). Contoh NM dalam bahasa Inggris: red pen (yang berarti, pena merah atau pena yang berwarna merah), long way (yang berarti, jalan panjang atau jalan yang panjang); dan lain sebagainya. Perbedaan yang mencolok antara kedua MMI dan NM adalah pengkhususan penggunaan kata ‘yang’ untuk NM, bukan untuk MMI. Karena makna akan menjadi ambigu apabila kata ‘yang’ digunakan untuk MMI. Contoh: frasa kurat al-qadam lebih akurat diterjemahkan sebagai ‘bola kaki’, bukan ‘bola yang kaki’, karena frasa itu termasuk dalam katagori MMI.

Praktik penerapan MMI dan NM di dalam bahasa Indonesia bisa menjadi masalah bagi para pengguna bahasa, apabila mereka tidak mengenali apalagi tak acuh terhadap tata bahasa ibu khususnya tentang MMI dan NM. Terlebih lagi dengan populasi negeri yang semakin meningkat saban tahun, kadang frasa-frasa baru yang diartikulasi oleh pihak-pihak yang tidak berautoriti dalam bidang bahasa, bisa jadi membingungkan yang lain sehingga dalam jangka panjang bisa merusak tatanan bahasa Indonesia. Misalnya, beberapa makna gabungan dua kata bisa berubah makna secara sebagian bahkan total, baik dalam MMI ataupun NM.

Contoh perubahan makna sebagian dalam MMI, nasi kucing. Disebut nasi kucing karena porsi nasi dianggap cukup untuk seekor kucing, bukan lantaran karena nasi itu milik seekor kucing dan berasal dari kucing. Adapun contoh perubahan makna secara total dalam MMI, kutu buku. Maksud dari kutu buku adalah penggemar buku, dengan membacanya sehingga menjadi familiar dengan buku-buku, bukan karena ada hewan kutu yang menempati, berasal, atau memiliki buku tertentu. Contoh perubahan makna sebagian dalam NM, tanggal merah, yang berarti hari libur. Adapun contoh perubahan makna secara total dalam NM, emas hitam. Disebut emas hitam bukan karena emas itu berwarna hitam, bukan pula karena benda yang disifati ‘warna hitam’ itu adalah logam mulia emas. Emas hitam adalah sebutan untuk barang tambang minyak. Lantaran berharganya harga minyak, maka ia disamakan dengan emas.

Islam Nusantara = Islam + Nusantara ?

Untuk mengetahui apakah frasa ‘Islam Nusantara’ termasuk katagori MMI atau NM, seyogianya kita mengetahui terlebih dahulu definisi tiap kata dalam frasa tersebut. Islam adalah agama yang dibawa oleh Nabi Muhammad s.a.w sebagai petunjuk bagi seluruh manusia di alam ini. Nusantara adalah kepulauan di alam Melayu yang terbagi menjadi Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Filipina dan Thailand, pada era kontemporer. Kata ‘Islam’ di sini adalah kata benda abstrak karena ia berupa konsep, sedangkan kata ‘Nusantara’ adalah kata benda konkrit karena itu berwujud tempat.

Jika demikian maka, gabungan kedua kata (benda) tersebut termasuk dalam katagori MMI sehingga penulisan yang tepat bukanlah ‘Islam Nusantara’, bukan juga ‘Islam milik Nusantara’, dan juga bukan ‘Islam asal Nusantara’, melainkan ‘Islam di Nusantara’. Contoh frasa lain yang juga menggandengkan kata ‘Nusantara’, sebut saja ‘Masakan Nusantara’ (lebih tepat di sebut Masakan Asal Nusantara); ‘Kerajaan Nusantara’ (lebih tepat disebut Kerajaan di Nusantara); dan ‘Adat dan Pakaian Nusantara’ (lebih tepat disebut ‘Adat dan Pakaian asal Nusantara’).

Frasa ‘Islam Nusantara’ tidak bisa dikatagorikan sebagai NM, karena kata ‘Nusantara’ bukanlah kata sifat yang dengannya kata benda abstrak ataupun konkrit bisa disifati. Akal yang normal tentunya akan menerima hal ini. Lalu jika ada seseorang yang menamakan dan memodelkan Agama Islam dengan frasa ‘Islam Nusantara’ lantaran menyakini bahwa Islam dibawa ke Nusantara ini dengan pendekatan mutawassiṭ yaitu dengan pendekatan budaya, tidak kaku dan keras, toleransi dan inklusif, apakah orang itu ingin mengidentikkan kata ‘Nusantara’ dengan kata ‘Mutawassiṭ’? jika ya, maka kata ‘Nusantara’ yang tergabung dengan kata ‘Makanan’, ‘Kerajaan’, ‘Adat dan Pakaian’ di atas juga bisa ditukar dengan kata ‘Mutawassiṭ’.

Andaikan kita terima pengidentikan kata ‘Nusantara’ dengan kata ‘Mutawassiṭ’, maka frasa ‘Islam Nusantara’ berubah dari katagori MMI ke NM, yang kemudian penulisan yang paling tepat untuknya adalah ‘Islam yang Nusantara’. Atau apabila akal kita sulit menerima, bisalah kita ganti ekspresi tersebut menjadi ‘Islam yang Mutawassiṭ’. Apakah sampai di sini permasalahan telah selesai? Tidak. Karena akal yang normal tentu akan terganggu apabila kata ‘Makanan’, ‘Kerajaan’, ‘Adat dan Pakaian’ bisa juga disifati dengan kata ‘mutawassiṭ’, sehingga menjadi ‘Makanan yang mutawassiṭ’, ‘Kerajaan yang mutawassiṭ’, dan ‘Adat dan Pakaian yang mutawassiṭ’.

Kesimpulan

Jadi, istilah Islam Nusantara itu sendiri masih perlu didiskusikan kembali apakah ia sudah valid dari segi linguistik, sistem alur berfikir, dan fakta sejarah. Perlu, karena penggunaan istilah ‘liar’ semacam ini selain bisa menyesatkan cara berfikir masyarakat awam, juga bisa membuat rusak tatanan bahasa Indonesia secara perlahan yang sebenarnya bisa dicegah lebih dini. Wallahu a’lam.

Tentang Ilmu (1)

Beberapa soalan yang mungkin bisa dijadikan bahan refleksi untuk mereka yang berstatus sebagai penuntut ilmu, guru pendidik dan kalangan umum.

  1. Apakah definisi ‘ilmu’?
  2. Apakah konsep ilmu yang selama ini diajarkan ke putra putri didik, para penuntut ilmu tersebut, sudah benar?
  3. Apa akibat yang akan timbul jika ternyata jabawan pertanyaan no 2 ternyata benar atau salah?
  4. Kenapa para terdakwa korupsi justeru ramai dari kalangan orang-orang berpendidikan tinggi/berilmu?
  5. Jika ilmu lebih berharga daripada harta, mengapa di masa sekarang ini orang-orang yang mengejar harta lebih ramai daripada mereka yang menuntut ilmu?

Perbincangan tentang ilmu sudah dibahas jauh kebelakang sejak peradaban manusia terdahulu, dari yang terekam misalnya Yunani kuno, India, Cina, Mesir, sampai peradaban Islam yang terus berlanjut ke peradaban Eropa (Latin). Secara ontologi, ilmu itu ada (exist). Namun ketika manusia berusaha mencapai ilmu itulah, persoalan epistemologi muncul; dalam artian bahwa, dikarenakan perbedaaan sistem metafisika pada tiap-tiap peradaban, maka konsep ilmu yang dihasilkan oleh masing-masing peradaban tadi pun akan berbeda jua.

Pertentangan konsep ilmu antara peradaban satu dengan peradaban lainnya, sebenarnya tidak menimbulkan permasalahan apapun, karena memang ranah pertentangan itu bertempat hanya di alam pikiran manusia. Permasalahan hanya akan muncul ketika sesuatu yang bersifat konseptual itu diterjemahkan/direalisasikan dalam dunia ril/kehidupan sehari-hari. Contoh: Masyarakat Barat menganggap perbuatan sex, asalkan dilakukan atas dasar suka sama suka, adalah dibenarkan. Berbeda dengan pandangan seorang Muslim yang mempercayai bahwa tindakan itu tidak diperbolehkan karena ia dihukumi haram. Pertentangan kedua faham awalnya tidak bermasalah, tetapi apabila faham itu diterjemahkan ke dalam bentuk dasar-dasar suatu negara, misalnya, maka barulah nyata persoalan itu. Rancangan undang-undang, idealnya, harus mengakomodir kedua kepentingan kedua pihak (Barat & Muslim) secara proporsional. Tapi hal ini nggak mungkin terjadi, karena memang masing-masing dari kedua pihak sama-sama hidup berdampingan di negara yang satu dan masing-masing akan mengusahakan ‘ideologi’nya diakui secara konstitusional, massive dan universal.

Kembali ke topik pembahasan, ilmu. Jika ada yang bertanya apa yang menjadikan ilmu itu penting untuk dibahas? Maka jabawannya adalah karena hanya berdasarkan ilmu lah sesuatu dihukumi baik atau buruk; karena hanya berdasarkan ilmu lah pemerintah menentukan kebijakan; dan karena hanya berdasarkan ilmu lah seseorang menentukan keputusannya dalam setiap tindakannya. Dalam bahasa lain, dan konskwensi logisnya, bisa dikatakan; bahwa siapa yang berkuasa dalam penyebaran ilmu dan berhasil meng-infus-kan nya ke orang lain, maka ia diam-diam sedang menginstal ‘software’ pada pikiran manusia yang mana dengannya manusia tadi akan menjadikan ‘software’ itu sebagai framework-nya dalam menentukan tindakannya sehari-hari.

Nah, bidang pendidikan (terutama yang bersifat negeri) adalah posisi yang strategis dalam kegiatan penyebaran ilmu, kerena nantinya ia akan dikukuhkan melalui undang-undang negara dan peraturan menteri, serta diperkenalkan secara masif ke berbagai institusi pendidikan seluruh daerah mulai dari tingkat sekolah dasar hingga universitas. Homeschooling, pondok pesantren, yang mayoritas masih bersifat private ownership, relatif tidak lumayan strategis dalam penyebaran ilmu dibandingkan institusi yang bersifat negeri tadi, karena memang tipe yang kedua ini lebih kecil dalam hal cakupannya, dan beberapa juga lebih terbatas dalam hal keadaan financial support, fasilitas dan promosinya. Oleh karena itu, siapa-siapa (antara Barat & Islam) yang berhasil menyebarkan konsep-nya tentang ilmu melalui institusi pendidikan negeri, maka ia telah menang satu langkah. Tetapi, apakah bisa dibilang bahawa ilmu yang disebar melalui institusi pendidikan negeri itu benar (mengingat pertanyaan ini berbuhungan dgn pertanyaan nomor 4 di atas)?. Jika jawabannya benar atau salah, persoalan selanjutnya adalah, konsep ilmu menurut siapakah yang sekarang ini ‘menunggangi’ institusi pendidikan negeri kita?

Critical Biography on ‘Abd Al-Raḥmān Al-Ījī

Critical Biography on ‘Abd Al-Raḥmān Al-Ījī

By Muhammad Hanif Al Hakim[1]

 

Introduction

‘Abd Al-Raḥmān, well-known as ‘Aḍud al-Dīn al-Ījī, was one of Muslim theologians whose fame was based on his treatises al-Mawāqif fī ‘ilm al-Kalām. He had as well written many works in different branch of knowledge, but unfortunately his biographical account has not been recorded systematically and deeply excavated so far. Thus the reader could not easily get information about his life, works, intellectual milieu, etc. It is for the purpose of fulfilling this need and discovering those facts, therefore, this short article is about to begin.

Al-Ījī’s Personality

He is ‘Aḍud al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Raḥmān ibn Aḥmad ibn ‘Abd al-Ghaffār al-Bakrī al-Shīrāzī[2]. He was probably born after 680/1281[3] in Ig, the chief town of Shabānkāra, with abundant of wealth and bestowed a pleasant for seeking knowledge[4]. The epithet of ‘Aḍud al-Dīn (the assistant of religion) is often awarded to him most probably by virtue of being a Judge (al-qāḍī) in various cities most the time of his life[5], while both al-Ījī and al-Shīrāzī were attached for they refer to places in which he was born there and in which he was a Judge (al-qāḍī) in the latter. In addition, al-Bakrī was added for he was descendant of the rightly-guided caliphate Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq[6]. He was Shafi‘ī jurist[7] and Ash‘arī theologian. He was distinguished scholar, who was effective in speech, very welcome to any delegates coming to him, and generous towards his students.

 His Intellectual Networking

He began his theological education mainly among the pupils[8] of al-Bayḍawī[9]. It is also said that he was student of al-Jārbirdiyy (d.746.H) from whom al-Ījī had long debate regarding commentary of Qur’anic verse ‘Fa ātū bi sūratin min mithlihi”[10]. History witnessed that he became the centre of intellectual figure in period, hence people begun to study various knowledge from him. Some of his renowned students[11] are Shams al-Dīn al-Kirmānī[12], Ḍiyā’u al-Dīn al-‘Afīfī[13], Sa‘d al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī[14].

 Brief Account on His Life

The last Īlkhan[15] Abū Sa‘īd (716-36/1316-36), invited him to his court in Sulṭāniyya and appointed him qādī al-mamālik[16], probably on the suggestion of his vizier Ghiyāth al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Rashīd al-Dīn (728-36/1328-36), with whom al-Ījī had formed an acquaintance. In 730/1330 al-Ījī’s reputation as scholar is mentioned for the first time in contemporary source[17]. Later, probably after the execution of Ghiyāth al-Dīn and the death of Abū Sa‘īd (736/1336), al-Ījī appears as chief qāḍī in Shīrāz, at the court of the Injū Abū Isḥāq. It was here that Ḥāfiẓ met him (Dīwān, ed. Qazwīnī Ghaniyy, 363, 7). In between 753-754, the Muẓaffarid Mubāriz al-Dīn was planning to conquer Abū Isḥāq’s kingdom for himself. However, al-Ījī attempted, as the latter’s delegate, to make peace between the two, but unfortunately he did not succeed[18]. At this time Mubāriz al-Dīn was his guest for a few days in Shabānkāra. Once again al-Ījī returned for a short time to Shīrāz. However, during the siege of the town (754/1353) he went over to Mubāriz al-Dīn and withdrew to Shabānkāra. There Shāh Shujā‘, Mubāriz al-Dīn’s son, visited him a year later.

 His Works

Al-Isnawī said in his Tabaqāt that ‘Abd al-Raḥmān was distinguished chief in many branches of knowledge (including kalām and al-Ma‘ānī wa al-bayān) and possessing several famous works[19]. Moreover, al-Subkī added that he was as well excellent in Uṣūlain, Naḥw, and fiqh[20]. His works are mostly abridgment and commentaries of existing treatises produced by scholars prior to his life. Their popularity is evident from the great number of commentaries. According to al-Baghdādī, here is a list of Al-Ījī’s works recorded in his Hadiyyah al-‘Ārifīn[21]:

  1. Ādāb ‘Aḍud al-Dīn[22]

In this work, al-Ījī explained the principals of conducting research in ten chapters. The original script is probably vanished. However, many commentaries about it had been found. One of them is commentary by al-Tibrīzī (d.circa 900) entitled Sharḥ al-Risālah al-‘Aḍudiyyah fī Ādab al-Baḥth.

  1. Akhlāq ‘Aḍud al-Dīn[23]

Summarized in four essays, it was a gist of large volume treatise. The first essay talked about the generalization of theory. Apart from that, his student, Shams al-Dīn al-Kirmānī had made comment on it.

  1. al-Risālah al-‘Aḍudiyyah fī’l-Waḍ‘i.[24]
  2. ‘Aqā’id al-‘Aḍūdiyyah[25]
  3. al-Fawā’id al-Ghiyāthiyyah fi’l-Ma‘ānī wa’l-Bayān[26]

It was an abridgment of the (third) section on rhetoric from al-Sakkākī’s[27] encyclopaedic Miftāḥ al-‘Ulūm[28], which was deliberately dedicated to Ghiyāth al-Dīn Muḥammad Khudā Bandā ibn Arghūn[29].

  1. al-Kawāshif fī Sharḥ al-Mawāqif[30]
  2. al-Mawāqif al-Sulṭāniyyah fī ‘ilm al-Kalām[31]

It is the most celebrated work of al-Ījī. It sets out in the style of a summa theologica, in concise language, the traditional ideas of 6th/12th century Islamic theology. Many came later with its commentary. Some of them, are: al-Sayyid al-Sharīf al-Jurjāni (d.816), Shams al-Dīn al-Kirmānī (d.786), and al-Maulā ‘Alā‘ al-Dīn ‘Ali al-Ṭūsī[32]. The style of writing for this work apparently resembles, more or less, that of the Muḥaṣṣal[33] and Nihāyat al-‘uqūl[34] of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d.606/1209) and the Abkār al-afkār[35] of Sayf al-Dīn al-Āmidī (d.631/1233).

  1. Bahjah al-Tauḥid[36]
  2. Ishrāq al-Tawārikh[37]
  3. Jawāhir al-Kalām fī Mukhtaṣar al-Mawāqif lahu[38]

It is a monograph identical to al-Ījī’s al-Mawāqif. Regardless it is more light in size than that of al-Mawāqif.

  1. Sharḥ al-Maqālah al-Mufarridah fī Ṣifah al-Kalām[39]
  2. Sharḥ Muntahā al-Sūl wa’l-Amal li Ibn al-Hājib[40]

It is al-Ījī’s commentary on Muntahā ’l-sūl wa’l-amal fī ‘ilmay al-uṣūl wa’l-jadal of Ibn al-Hājib (d.646/1249). ‘Abd Al-Raḥman completed this work on 26th of Sha‘bān 734.A.H.

  1. Taḥqīq al-Tafsīr fī Takthīr al-Tanwīr fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān[41]
  2. ‘Uyūn al-Jawāhir[42]
  3. Zubdah al-Tārīkh fī Tarjamah Ishrāq al-Tawārikh[43]

His Death

 The province of Kirmān was conquered by Mubāriz al-Dīn in 742/1341. However, in 756/1355, the last atabeg (guardian or an official of Seljuq dynasty) Mālik Ardashir defied Mubāriz al-Dīn and collected an army to resist him. Knowing that threating movement, Mubāriz al-Dīn sent his son, Maḥmūd, to deal with this rebellion. He subdued the place and Ardashir fled[44]. Unfortunately as a bad effect, al-Ījī was imprisoned in the fortress of Diraymiyān (at Ig) and died there in the same year[45].


 

[1] This article was submitted as assignment of Research Methodology subject at CASIS-UTM by the end of Nov, 2014.

[2] See entry no.594 at Tabaqāt al-Shāfi‘iyyah by Ibn Qādī Shahbah. Ed. ‘Abd al-‘Alīm Khān, 5 vols. (India: Majlis Dā’irah al-Ma‘ārif al-‘Uthmāniyyah, 1979), 3:33-35. (hereafter cited as TSQS) Cf. entry no.1369 at Tabaqāt al-Shāfi‘iyyah al-Kubrā by al-Subkī. Ed. ‘Abd al-Fattāḥ Muḥammad al-Ḥalwa and Maḥmūd Muḥammad al-Ṭanāḥī, 10 vols. (Dār Ihyā’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyyah. N.d), 10:46-78. (hereafter cited as TKS). In several Islamic classical books (TSQS, SD, TKS, and DK), Aḥmad was recorded as the name of his father.

[3] Each resource records differently the date of birth of ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Ījī. It is recorded in TKS that he was born after 680.H. Al-Shaukānī in his al-Badr al-Ṭāli‘ (BT), as well as DK and BW, say that he was born after 700.H. To be more specific, Riḍā Kaḥḥālah in his Mu’jam al-Mu’allifīn (MM), TSQS as well SD, say that he was born in 708.H.

[4] See TKS 10:46.

[5] See entry no.2278 at al-Durar al-Kāminah by Ibn Ḥajar al-‘Asqalānī. 4 vols. (Beirut, Dār al-Jayl. N.d), 2:322-323. (hereafter cited as DK). Cf. Shadzarāt al-Dzahab fī Akhbār Man Dzahab by Ibn al-‘Imād. Ed. Maḥmūd al-Arnāūṭ. 10 vols. (Beirut: Dār Ibn Kathīr. N.d), 8:298. (hereafter cited as SD).

[6] See TKS. 10:46.

[7] Most of Classical treatises (TS, TSQS, SD and Bughyat al-Wu‘āt (BW) by al-Suyūtī) regard him as scholar of Shāfi‘ī jurist. Nonetheless, it’s mentioned only in Hadiyyat al-‘Ārifīn (HD) by Ismā‘īl Bāshā al-Baghdādī that he belonged to Ḥanafī.

[8] According to TKS, DK, and BW, at his early age Abd al-Raḥmān al-Ījī began to study from the student of al-Bayḍāwī, that is, Zain al-Dīn al-Hinkī, also from several scholars of the time.

[9] He is ‘Abdullāh ibn ‘Umar ibn Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī al-Shīrāzī who is well-known as Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Bayḍāwī (d.685.H).

[10] See TKS 10:47.

[11] See DK 2:322-323.

[12] He is Muḥammad ibn Yūsuf ibn ‘Aliyy ibn Sa‘īd (d.786/1384). For his short biography, see entry no 707 at TSQS 3:245.

[13] He is ‘Abd Allāh ibn Sa‘d Allāh ibn Muḥammad ibn ‘Uthmān who was known as qāḍī al-qarm al-‘afīfī (d.780). For his short biography, see entry 643 at TSQD 3:125.

[14] He is Mas‘ūd ibn ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd Allāh (d.791.H). For his short biography, see entry 1992 at BW 2:285.

[15] Also spelled Ilkhanid or Il-khan. It was Mongol dynasty that ruled in Iran from 1256 to 1335. Il-khan is Persian for ‘subordinate khan’. See “Il-Khanid dynasty,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite. Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2013.

[16] See TSK 10:46.

[17] See Ḥamdullāh Aḥmad ibn Abī Bakr Ibn Naṣr Muṣtawf al-Qazwīnī. Ta’rīkh Guzīda. Trans and Abridge. E.G Browne and R.A.Nicholson. (Leyden: E.J. Brill, 1910) 2:165 (Hereafter cited as TG). TG was early compiled back in 730.H.

[18] Ibid., 2:165. Mubāriz al-Dīn declined al-Ījī’s suggestion, on the ground that Amīr Shah Abū Isḥāq had already violated his promises eight times.

[19] See entry no.857 at Tabaqāt al-Shāfi‘iyyah by ‘Abd al-Raḥīm al-Isnawī. Ed. Kamāl Yūsuf al-Ḥūt. 2 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1987). 2:109. (hereafter cited as TSA).

[20] See TKS 10:46.

[21] Ismāīl Al-Baghdādī. Hadiyyah al-‘Ārifīn. (Beirut: Dār Iḥyā’ al-Turāth al-‘Arabī, 1951), 1:527.

[22] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:267 as Risālah fī Ādab al-Baḥth; in Kashf Dzunūn (KD) 1:41 as Ādab al-‘Allāmah ‘Aḍud al-Dīn; in MM as Ādab al-Baḥth al-‘Aḍudiyyah.

[23] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:270 as alRisālah al-Shāhīya fī ‘Ilm al-Akhlāq; in KD 1:37 as Akhlāq ‘Aḍud al-Dīn; in MM as Risālah fī ‘Ilm al-Akhlāq.

[24] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:268 as alRisālah al-Waḍ‘iyyah al-‘Aḍudiyyah; in KD 1:898 as Risālah fī al-Waḍ‘i; in MM as alRisālah al-‘Aḍudiyyah fī al-Waḍ‘i.

[25] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:270 as ‘Aqā’id al-‘Aḍūdiyyah; in KD 2:1144 with the same title as in the former; no record was found in MM.

[26] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:271 as al-Fawā’id al-Ghiyāthiyyah; in KD 2:1299 as al-Fawā’id al-Ghiyāthiyyah; in MM as al-Fawā’id al-Ghiyāthiyyah fi’l-Ma‘ānī wa’l-Bayān.

[27] He is Sirāj al-Dīn Yūsuf ibn Abī Bakr ibn Muḥammad ibn ‘Ali (d.626).

[28] See KD 2:1299 and 2:1764.

[29] See brief account on him at TG, 2:147.

[30] No information is found about it

[31] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:269 as Kitāb al-Mawāqif fī ‘ilm al-Kalām; in KD 1:1891 as al-Mawāqif; in MM as al-Mawāqif fī ‘ilm al-Kalām.

[32] See KD 1:1891.

[33] Its full title is Muḥaṣṣal Afkār al-Mutaqaddimīn wa al-Muta’akhkhirīn min al-Ḥukamā’ wa al-Mutakallimīn.

[34] Its full title is Nihāyah al-‘Uqūl fī Dirāyat al-Uṣūl fī al-Kalām.

[35] Its full title is Abkār al-Afkār fī al-Kalām.

[36] No information is found about it

[37] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:271 as Ishrāq al-Tawārikh; in KD 1:104 as Ashraf al-Tawārikh; no record was found in MM.

[38] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:270 as Jawāhir al-Kalām; in KD 1:616 with the same title as in the former; in MM as Jawāhir al-Kalām wa Jawāmi‘u al-Kalim li badā’i‘i al-Ḥukm.

[39] No information is found about it

[40] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:271 as Sharḥ Mukhtaṣar al-’Uṣūl; in KD 1:1853 ; in MM as Sharḥ Muntahā al-Sūl wa’l-Amal fī ‘ilmay al-Uṣūl wa’l-Jadal.

[41] It is recorded in Brockelmaan 2:267 as Taḥqīq al-Tafsīr fī Takthīr al-Tanwīr; no record was found in KD; in MM as Taḥqīq al-Tafsīr fī Takthīr al-Tanwīr.

[42] No information is found about it

[43] No information is found about it

[44] See TG, 2:170.

[45] Historians are in agreement of his place and cause of death, but they diverged in deciding date of death. Year 756.H was recorded in TK, BW, BT, HA, and MM as his date of death. Whereas 753.H was recorded in SD and TSQS as his date of death.

Comparative review on the concept of human and Freedom

PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY WITH SOME OF THEIR APPLICATIONS TO SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY – ABRIDGE. by John Stuart Mill. Ed. with Introduction by Stephen Nathanson. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2004. 309p.

 HUMAN ACTION: A TREATISE ON ECONOMICS. by Ludwig Von Mises. San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes, 1963. xix-906pp.

 ON ETHICS AND ECONOMICS. by Amartya Sen. The UK: Blackwell Publishing, 2004. xiii-131pp.

Preamble[1]

Those selected books are typically economic work and are considered to be the influential treatises in the field in period 19th and 20th century respectively, even up to now, some modern economists find them relevant to be the explanatory to the current economic phenomena. The authors, however, came from different backgrounds. Yet, they share the same experience as philosopher whose ideas and thoughts pertaining several economic key terms may disagree and contradict conceptually one another but apparently show an agreement as they are implemented. After perusing these works, I can say that the main purpose aimed by those authors is to try to give respond, evaluation and solution to the problems, either political or economic, that beset society whereby they live. And since, again, they had different beliefs, the way they perceived the problems, by no means, will be different. To begin with, I shall .. (further reading)


[1] Submitted as assignment of Worldview and Epistemic Framework subject at CASIS-UTM on 1st of Nov 2014.

A Review on Muslim Studies

Preamble

To peruse various works by the orientalists is quite a heavy task for those who are interested and particularly for who are new in the field of Islamic studies. Perhaps, it is not only because the readers are not well-prepared by proficiency of language that common used in the academic filed, for most of orientalists make use of several foreign languages in their writing, i.e. French, Hungary, Germany, etc., but also because of the inadequacy of these language in representing what is should be best understood in the original sources and realities. In some occasions, instead of looking at the context in which the object lies, the orientalists often view things from their perspective, which subsequently implies, in broader impact, the gradual domination of the Occident over the Orient,[1] as Edward said. In other words, it can be said that obviously this is a new form of colonialism that need to be prevented. It the light of brief summary above, therefore, this short essay, by pointing out what is correct and what is incorrect from point of view of Islam, tries to critically study Ignaz Goldziher’s work,[2] Muslim Studies, a translated version of Muhammedanische … (please click here to continue reading)


[1] For more details about critique on the orientalists and their activities see Edward W. Said. Orientalism. (Great Britain: Penguin, 1978), 3-4. He describes further the orientalism as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient – dealing with it by making statement about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, rulling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient.

[2] I have chosen this book to be reviewed because I notice the fact that Ignaz Goldziher was considered as father of modern Islamic studies and as representative of Orientalism who was most productive write about Islam in the late of 19th century.

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